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al-Qaeda Punjab province Afghanistan Pakistan لیبل والی اشاعتیں دکھا رہا ہے۔ سبھی اشاعتیں دکھائیں
al-Qaeda Punjab province Afghanistan Pakistan لیبل والی اشاعتیں دکھا رہا ہے۔ سبھی اشاعتیں دکھائیں

بدھ، 27 اکتوبر، 2010

Drones ever-closer to militants

Qari Hussain Mehsud, whose specialty was training suicide bombers, is the latest in a string of high level militants to be killed in tribal areas in attacks by unmanned United States drones.
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Syed Saleem Shahzad

These mounting casualties show that the net is tightening on the militants and their al-Qaeda colleagues now concentrated in North Waziristan on the border with Afghanistan. There is also much debate as to where the US is getting its information to carry out an increasing number of successful strikes - from intelligence networks integrated into the local population or from high-tech surveillance, or a combination of both.
The latest reports indicate that 1,863 people, including civilians, have been killed in 184 US drone attacks targeting militants in Pakistan since June 2004. Significantly, though, 749 people have been killed in 89 drone attacks in 2010 and September witnessed 16 operations, the maximum in a month, followed by 11 attacks in January.
Mehsud is reported to have been killed in Mir Ali in North Waziristan on October 4. Initially, a spokesman for the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (Pakistani Taliban - TTP) - to which Mehsud was associated - denied the report.
However, a high-level leader of the TTP as well as a senior counter-terrorism official confirmed to Asia Times Online that Mehsud had died in the attack.
Apart from other incidents, Mehsud had claimed responsibility of suicide attacks on Shi'ites in the cities of Lahore and Quetta last month in which scores of people were killed. He was a cousin of Hakimullah Mehsud, the chief of the PTT who was also killed in a drone strike and who in turn had succeeded another drone victim, Baitullah Mehsud.
Luck finally runs out Qari Hussain Mehsud had previously been reported killed, notably after his house was destroyed in January 2008. He was later said to have died in a June 2009 air strike in South Waziristan, but he telephoned reporters to prove he was alive.
The government had placed a 50 million rupee reward for Mehsud's killing or capture, along with similar rewards for other TTP commanders.
Mehsud escaped at least 12 attempts on his life because either the information passed on to the US was incorrect, or he had moved before an attack took place.
The frequency of the operations against Mehsud increased after the deadly suicide attack he helped orchestrate on Forward Operating Base Chapman in Khost, Afghanistan in December 2009.
Seven US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operatives, including the station chief, died when Humam Khalil Abu-Mulal al-Balawi blew himself up. Jordanian Balawi had been trained by Mehsud.
Mehsud worked with Ilyas Kashmiri and his 313 Brigade, which infiltrated the ranks of the Afghan National Army at the base.
In a report released this week, CIA director Leon Panetta concluded "systemic failure" had led to Balawi being allowed onto the base even though Jordanian intelligence had warned he might be a part of an al-Qaeda trap.
The drone attacks on Mehsud escalated further after Faisal Shahzad was arrested following his failed attempt on May 1 this year to detonate a car bomb in Times Square, New York. He and his nine-member cell in Islamabad had been recruited by Mehsud and trained at one of his suicide camps in North Waziristan.
On October 5, Shahzad was sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole after pleading guilty to a 10-count indictment that included charges of conspiracy to use a weapon of mass destruction and attempting an act of terrorism.
Mehsud's flirtation with death by drone missile attack finally came to an end this month. On October 4, after being pin-pointed in the Muzaki sub-district of Mir Ali in North Waziristan, a drone struck, leaving Mehsud injured and three of his guards dead.
Mehsud was immediately moved, but he was again tracked down in the sub-district of Khushali in Mir Ali and on October 7 he was killed when his station wagon was hit by a drone's missile.
Dropout to danger man
Mehsud, born in South Waziristan in about 1988, moved to Karachi to further his Islamic studies, from where he dropped out to join the Laskhar-e-Jhangvi.
He then moved back to South Waziristan and soon won notoriety for brutally killing anti-Taliban figures and for introducing the practice of slitting the throats of Pakistani soldiers. He developed his own network and began training people for suicide attacks.
When the first battle in the Swat between the Taliban and the military broke out in 2007, Mehsud joined the fray, along with his suicide squad. He established a reign of terror across the valley that had once been know for its tranquility, beauty and peace-loving residents.
One of his more gruesome habits was to teach valley militants how to slit a throat with a rusty knife, film the incident and then distribute it on a video recording.
By now the small-fry sectarian agitator had evolved into a national terror ringmaster. Although he was considered a part of the TTP, he often took his own initiative for attacks in Pakistan.
The military operations in South Waziristan last year dislodged the TTP from its traditional region, forcing it to relocate to North Waziristan, where it was welcomed with open arms by al-Qaeda and other militant groups.
TTP members were given space in Mir Ali, home to a large section of al-Qaeda's global headquarters. The TTP and al-Qaeda had coordinated in the past, but the migration brought the two organisations closer together than ever before.
This new relationship was soon reflected when the TTP - which previously had only been known for anti-Pakistan army operations - and 313 Brigade planned the attack on the CIA base in Khost.
That such a wily operator as Mehsud could be tracked down, and that the US is clearly determined to maintain the intensity of its drone attacks, indicate that the going will get even tougher for the militants and their al-Qaeda colleagues now gathered in their last remaining bastion in North Waziristan.

منگل، 29 جون، 2010

Explosive mood in Pakistan

By Syed Saleem Shahzad

Pakistani security agencies over the past few days have seized 28,000 kilograms of explosives in the city of Lahore, as well as anti-aircraft guns, rocket-propelled grenades, small arms and ammunition and suicide vests, a well-placed senior security official has told Asia Times Online.

The crackdown in the capital of Punjab province undoubtedly prevented another attack by al-Qaeda - there have been several over the past few years - and the opening up of a battle front in the city. However, the security official warned that al-Qaeda-linked militant attacks were still expected "from the southern port city of Karachi to the tribal areas".

Pakistan is regularly a victim of militant attacks, but the focus of al-Qaeda and its allies until now has primarily been on the supply lines of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization that pass through Pakistan and on the Taliban-led insurgency across the border in Afghanistan.

A possible intensification of attacks across Pakistan comes at a critical time for the United States as it struggles to find a breakthrough in the nearly nine-year-old war in Afghanistan, especially ahead of mid-term elections in November in the US, where the war is becoming increasingly unpopular.

Pakistan is a crucial factor in any decision Washington makes over Afghanistan. Any US efforts to engage the Taliban and get them to join a reconciliation process with the Afghan government will require Pakistani assistance. Similarly, the US needs Pakistan to crack down on militant bases that feed into the insurgency, notably in the North Waziristan tribal area that borders Afghanistan, which also serves as the global headquarter of al-Qaeda's operations.

The key figure in Pakistan in terms of the US's war efforts is Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kiani, who is scheduled to retire this November. To date Pakistan's Washington-backed government has shown no sign of seeking an extension for him. Under Kiani the military apparatus has worked hard to solicit the Afghan Taliban for a basic level of reconciliation. Plans are in place for an operation in North Waziristan, but Kiani has indicated that he will decide when to go ahead, if at all.

Western media have exaggerated apparent relations between Afghan commander Sirajuddin Haqqani and the Pakistan military. For once, however, the military is pleased as this is the kind of influential role that Pakistan wants to play in Afghanistan in the future. Sirajuddin Haqqani is the son of Jalaluddin Haqqani, the famed mujahideen commander who fought against the Soviets. The Haqqani network, which has a base in North Waziristan, is one of the most powerful insurgent groups in Afghanistan.

Sirajuddin Haqqani has acquired huge influence over the past few years in the Afghan provinces of Ghazni, Khost, Paktia and Paktika. He has also fully supported attacks co-ordinated and facilitated by al-Qaeda, such as the ones in Kabul and on Bagram air base this year.

While he travels extensively in Afghanistan, North Waziristan is still his strategic backyard, and here he is completely dependent on al-Qaeda or al-Qaeda-inspired groups. For this reason he contributed to the anti-Shi'ite attacks in Kurram Agency in 2007 and he has sent his men to support local Sunni militias. During the military offensive in 2009 against militants in South Waziristan, Sirajuddin Haqqani provided sanctuary to escaping Mehsud militants.

However, while Sirajuddin Haqqani is al-Qaeda's asset, his ailing father Jalaluddin is somewhat different as he has long-standing friendships with several Pashtu-speaking officers who are now high-ranking.

After September 11, 2001, when Pakistan had joined the US's "war on terror", Jalaluddin was invited a few times to Islamabad to get him to separate from the Taliban. He was not a part of the original Taliban movement but he unconditionally surrendered and supported the Taliban when they emerged in the mid-1990s and then took power in Kabul in 1996. He led his own faction as a "moderate" Taliban.

Pakistani officials assured Jalaluddin that he could become prime minister - or even president - in the new Afghanistan following the Taliban's ouster in late 2001. He refused outright, saying he was still loyal to Taliban leader Mullah Omar. If Jalaluddin were to separate from Mullah Omar, it would jolt the Taliban movement, but it would also cost him his command in several Afghan provinces. Further, he would lose his al-Qaeda-supported base in North Waziristan and within months he would be yesterday's man.
In the year 2010, Jalaluddin's stance remains the same, as does the position of his son Sirajuddin.

As it scrambles for solutions, Washington has encouraged Afghan President Hamid Karzai in his dealings with the Pakistani security apparatus to strike deals with the Taliban in Pashtun-dominated southern Afghanistan.

Karzai has called for the delisting of some Taliban from a United Nations terror list and has released hundreds of Taliban and people linked to the Hezb-e-Islami of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. He also booted out two prominent anti-Pakistan figures, including the head of the National Directorate of Security, Amrullah Saleh. He was a senior figure in the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance that helped the US oust the Taliban regime in 2001. Also sacked was interior minister Hanif Atmar, who as a young man served in Afghanistan's communist-era intelligence agency and fought mujahideen opposed to the Soviet occupation.

"This decision leaves Hamid Karzai under a serious security threat," a former Afghan general who served with the communists as well as with the mujahideen against the Soviets told Asia Times Online on the condition of anonymity. "His overtures with Pakistan are unlikely to bear fruit in terms of a breakthrough with the Taliban, but now he keeps up the hostility level with the northern Afghan militant factions who have encircled him deeply inside Kabul."

In the mean time, a large terror attack could once again change the dynamics of the region, whether it took place in Afghanistan, Pakistan or even India.

Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at saleem_shahzad2002@yahoo.com

( Asia Times Online )